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Le Feyt verklaring: Vrede in Irak is een keuze (Nederlands)-
Deklaracija iz Le Fejta – Mir u Iraku: opcija (Bosansko-hrvatsko-srpski)
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Internationaal Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (IAON)
Ondergetekenden, vrienden van Irak uit Frankrijk, België, het Verenigd Koninkrijk, Italië, Spanje, Portugal, de Verenigde Staten van Amerika, Egypte, Zweden en Irak, georganiseerd in het Internationaal Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (IAON) en verzameld in Le Feyt, Frankrijk van 25 tot 27 augustus 2008, hebben de volgende positie ingenomen en verklaring opgesteld over ons streven naar een daadwerkelijk einde van de bezetting en voor een blijvende, duurzame vrede in Irak.
Ondergetekenden, vrienden van Irak uit Frankrijk, België, het Verenigd Koninkrijk, Italië, Spanje, Portugal, de Verenigde Staten van Amerika, Egypte, Zweden en Irak, georganiseerd in het Internationaal Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk (IAON) en verzameld in Le Feyt, Frankrijk van 25 tot 27 augustus 2008, hebben de volgende positie ingenomen en verklaring opgesteld over ons streven naar een daadwerkelijk einde van de bezetting en voor een blijvende, duurzame vrede in Irak.
De Amerikaanse bezetting van Irak is illegaal en kan niet worden gelegaliseerd. Alles wat uit de bezetting is voortgekomen is illegaal en onwettig en kan geen legitimiteit verwerven. Dit zijn onweerlegbare feiten. Wat zijn daarvan de gevolgen?
Het is onmogelijk in een bezet Irak vrede, stabiliteit en democratie te vestigen. Een buitenlandse bezetting is van nature tegengesteld aan de belangen van de bezette bevolking. De feiten spreken voor zich. Zes miljoen Irakezen op de vlucht binnen en buiten Irak, Iraakse academici en professionals werden opzettelijk vermoord, hun cultuur werd vernietigd, en er vielen al meer dan een miljoen doden.
De propaganda in het Westen probeert de absurditeit aannemelijk te maken dat de invallers en vernietigers van Irak eveneens de rol van beschermer kunnen opnemen. De algemene vrees voor een "veiligheidsvacuüm" – als argument om de bezetting verder te zetten – negeert het feit dat het Iraakse leger nooit capituleerde en de ruggengraat vormt van de Iraakse gewapende weerstand. Die ruggengraat is uitsluitend bezorgd om de verdediging van het Iraakse volk en de Iraakse soevereiniteit. Op dezelfde wijze negeren diegenen die een burgeroorlog voorspellen de realiteit, nl. dat het overgrote deel van de Iraakse bevolking, zowel in aantal als belang, de bezetting verwerpt en dit zal blijven doen.
Het Iraakse volk verzet zich met alle middelen tegen de bezetting [1], en dit overeenkomstig het internationaal recht. Enkel de volksweerstand kan worden erkend als uitdrukking en verdediging van de wil en de belangen van de Iraakse bevolking. Tot nu toe bleven de Verenigde Staten blind voor deze realiteit, in de hoop dat een "diplomatieke ingreep", na de militaire ingrepen van effectieve etnische zuiveringen, hen in staat zal stellen een regering op te leggen aan Irak. Wat ook de uitkomst van de Amerikaanse presidentverkiezingen wordt, de VS zullen hun imperiale doelstellingen nooit kunnen verwezenlijken en de druk die ze op Irak uitoefenen is tegengesteld aan de belangen van de Iraakse bevolking.
In het Westen blijven sommigen de ontzegging van volkssoevereiniteit rechtvaardigen onder het voorwendsel van de "oorlog tegen het terrorisme" [2]. Hiermee criminaliseren ze niet alleen de weerstand, maar ook de humanitaire hulp aan een belegerd volk. Volgens het internationaal recht is het Iraakse verzet een nationale bevrijdingsbeweging. Erkenning van het Iraakse verzet is dus een recht, niet louter een keuze [3]. De internationale gemeenschap heeft het recht om de erkenning van de door de VS opgelegde regering in Irak in te trekken en het Iraakse verzet te erkennen.
Het is duidelijk dat Irak geen duurzame stabiliteit, eenheid en territoriale integriteit kan verwerven vooraleer zijn soevereiniteit wordt gewaarborgd. Het is evenzeer duidelijk dat de Amerikaanse bezetting haar verantwoordingsplicht niet kan ontlopen door de verantwoordelijkheid af te schuiven op de buurlanden van Irak. Het ligt voor de hand dat stabiliteit alleen kan bereikt worden door een niet-aanvalspact, en ontwikkelings- en samenwerkingsakkoorden tussen een bevrijd Irak en zijn naaste buren [4]. Door zijn centrale geopolitieke positie en de aanwezigheid van natuurlijke hulpbronnen, is een bevrijd, vreedzaam en democratisch Irak van cruciaal belang voor het welzijn en de ontwikkeling van de aangrenzende landen. Alle buren van Irak moeten erkennen dat stabiliteit in Irak in hun eigen belang is en zich ertoe verbinden zich niet te mengen in Iraks binnenlandse aangelegenheden.
Als de internationale gemeenschap en de Verenigde Staten geďnteresseerd zijn in vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak moeten ze accepteren dat alleen het Iraakse verzet - gewapend, burgerlijk en politiek – in staat is dit te bereiken omdat het de belangen van het Iraakse volk behartigt. De eerste vraag van het Iraakse verzet is de onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van alle buitenlandse troepen die Irak illegaal bezetten - inclusief de particuliere contractanten - en het ontmantelen van alle strijdkrachten die door de bezetting geďnstalleerd werden.
De Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging - in al zijn vormen – die het Iraakse volk verdedigt, is als enige in staat te zorgen voor democratie in Irak. In alle geledingen van deze beweging is overeengekomen dat bij een Amerikaanse terugtrekking een tijdelijke administratieve overheid zou worden belast met twee taken: de voorbereiding van democratische verkiezingen en de heropbouw van het nationale leger. Na voltooiing van deze taken zal deze administratieve overheid zichzelf ontbinden. Ze zal beslissingen over herstelbetalingen, de ontwikkeling en de wederopbouw overlaten aan een soeverein en vrij gekozen Iraakse regering in een land dat toebehoort aan al zijn burgers zonder discriminatie op grond van religie, etniciteit, overtuiging of geslacht.
Alle wetten, contracten, verdragen en overeenkomsten getekend onder de bezetting zijn ondubbelzinnig van nul en generlei waarde. Volgens het internationale recht en de wil van het Iraakse volk, berust de totale controle over de Iraakse olie en alle natuurlijke, culturele en materiële bronnen in handen van de Iraakse bevolking, aan alle generaties, in het verleden, het heden en de toekomst. In het gehele spectrum van de Iraakse anti-bezettingsbeweging zijn allen het erover eens dat Irak zijn olie op de internationale markt moet kunnen verhandelen met alle landen die niet in oorlog zijn met Irak, en in lijn met de verplichtingen als lid van de OPEC.
De Amerikaanse invasie in 2003 was en is nog steeds illegaal en de wet op de statelijke aansprakelijkheid eist dat staten weigeren de gevolgen van illegale staatsacties te erkennen [5]. De verantwoordelijkheid van een staat omvat ook herstelplicht. Alle statelijke en niet-statelijke actoren die profiteerden van de vernietiging en plundering van Irak moeten een vergoeding betalen.
Het Iraakse volk verlangt reeds lang naar vrede. Op basis van de conclusies van het Wereld Tribunaal over Irak te Istanbul in 2005 [6], en met erkenning van het enorme lijden van het aangevallen Iraakse volk, stemmen de ondertekenaars van deze verklaring in met de bovengenoemde beginselen voor vrede, stabiliteit en democratie in Irak.
De soevereiniteit van Irak ligt in handen van de burgers in verzet. Vrede in Irak is eenvoudig te bereiken: onvoorwaardelijke terugtrekking van de VS en de erkenning van het Iraakse verzet, dat per definitie de wil van het Iraakse volk vertegenwoordigt.
We doen een beroep op alle vredelievende mensen in de wereld om het Iraakse volk en zijn verzet te steunen. De toekomst van vrede, democratie en vooruitgang in Irak, de regio en de wereld hangt ervan af.
De leden van het Internationale Anti-Bezettingsnetwerk [7]:
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite van het BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, Frankrijk - Irak
Hana Al Bayaty, coördinator van het Iraakse Internationale Initiatief voor de vluchtelingen, www.3iii.org, Frankrijk - Egypte
Dirk Adriaensens, lid van het Uitvoerend Comite van het BRussells Tribunal, www.brusselstribunal.org, België
John Catalinotto, International Action Center, http://www.iacenter.org/, Verenigde Staten
Ian Douglas, coördinator van het Internationaal Initiatief voor de Vervolging van de Amerikaanse Genocide in Irak, www.USgenocide.org, Verenigd Koninkrijk- Egypte
Max Fuller, auteur van For Iraq, the Salvador Option Becomes Reality en Crying Wolf, deaths squads in Iraq - www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Verenigd Koninkrijk
Paola Manduca, Wetenschapper,Nieuwe Wapens Comité, www.newweapons.org, Italië
Sigyn Meder, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden
Cristina Meneses, lid van de Portugese zitting van het Wereld Tribunaal voor Irak, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Mike Powers, lid van de Associatie voor Solidariteit met Irak in Stockholm, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Zweden
Manuel Raposo, lid van de Portugese zitting van Wereld Tribunaal voor Irak, www.tribunaliraque.info/pagina/inicio.html, Portugal
Manuel Talens, schrijver, lid van de Cubadebate, Rebelión en Tlaxcala, Spanje
Paloma Valverde, lid van de Spaanse Campagne Tegen de Bezetting en voor de Soevereiniteit van Irak (CEOSI), Spanje
27 augustus 2008
Le Feyt, Frankrijk
Notes
[1] The right to self-determination, national independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and sovereignty without external interference has been affirmed numerous times by a number of UN bodies, including the UN Security Council, UN General Assembly, UN Commission on Human Rights, the International Law Commission and the International Court of Justice. The principle of self-determination provides that where forcible action has been taken to suppress this right, force may be used in order to counter this and achieve self-determination.
The Commission on Human Rights has routinely reaffirmed the legitimacy of struggling against occupation by all available means, including armed struggle (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 and CHR Resolution No. 1989/19, 6 March 1989). Explicitly, UN General Assembly Resolution 37/43, adopted 3 December 1982: “Reaffirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial and foreign domination and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” (See also UN General Assembly Resolutions 1514, 3070, 3103, 3246, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 and 32/154).
[2] Article 1(4) of the 1st Additional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions, 1977, considers self-determination struggles as international armed conflict situations. The Geneva Declaration on Terrorism states: “As repeatedly recognized by the United Nations General Assembly, peoples who are fighting against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes in the exercise of their right of self-determination have the right to use force to accomplish their objectives within the framework of international humanitarian law. Such lawful uses of force must not be confused with acts of international terrorism.”
[3] National liberation movements are recognized as the consequence of the right of self-determination. In the exercise of their right to self-determination, peoples under colonial and alien domination have the right “to struggle ... and to seek and receive support, in accordance with the principles of the Charter” and in conformity with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States. It is in these terms that Article 7 of the Definition of Aggression (General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974) recognizes the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial or alien domination. Recognition by the UN of the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination or occupation is in line with the general prohibition of the use of force enshrined in the UN Charter as a state that forcibly subjugates a people to colonial or alien domination is committing an unlawful act as defined by international law, and the subject people, in the exercise of its inherent right of self-defence, may fight to defend and attain its right to self-determination.
[4] The Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States (General Assembly Resolution 2625 (XXV)) cites the principle that, “States shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.” Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would commit to refrain from the use of force or threat of the use of force, facilitating the use of force or threat of use of force by other actors, and refraining from all forms of interference in the affairs of other states. Individually and collectively, Iraq and its neighbors would also commit to cooperation and development on the basis of negotiation, arbitrage and mutual advantage.
[5] Article 41(2) of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on State Responsibility, representing the rule of customary international law (adopted in UN General Assembly Resolution 56/83 of 28 January 2002, “Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts”), prevents states from benefiting from their own illegal acts: “No State shall recognize as lawful a situation created by a serious breach [of an obligation arising under a peremptory norm of general international law]”; Section III(e), UN General Assembly Resolution 36/103 of 14 December 1962, “Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention and Interference in the Internal Affairs of States”.
[6] Declaration of the Jury of Conscience, World Tribunal on Iraq, Istanbul, 23-27 June 2005.
[7] The International Anti-occupation Network is a coalition of groups that stand in solidarity with the Iraqi people and for Iraqi sovereignty and against the US-led occupation of Iraq. It was established in April 2006 at the Madrid International Seminar on the Assassination of Iraqi Academics and Health Professionals, the final resolution of which can be read here.
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Voor individuele onderschrijving of als organisatie, neem contact op met:
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Internationale personaliteiten die samen met ons willen streven naar een daadwerkelijk einde van de bezetting en voor een blijvende, duurzame vrede in Irak | |
Ramsey Clark, Former U.S. Attorney General, international human rights activist, founder of the International Action Center - USA
Cynthia McKinney, Green Party US Presidential Candidate, www.runcynthiarun.org - USA | |
Denis Halliday, Former UN Assistant Secretary General & United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq 1997-98 - Ireland | |
François Houtart, Director of the Tricontinental Center (Cetri), spiritual father and member of the International Committee of the World Social Forum of Porto Alegre, Executive Secretary of the Alternative World Forum, President of the International League for rights and liberation of people and president of the BRussells Tribunal - Belgium | |
Socorro Gomes, Chairwoman of WPC - World Peace Council and of Cebrapaz - Brazilian Center of Solidarity with Peoples and Struggle for Peace | |
José Francisco Gallardo Rodríguez, General Major and PhD. in Public Administration - Mexico | |
Manik Mukherjee, Deputy, International Affairs, Socialist Unity Center of India, General Secretary, International Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating Committee - India | |
Eduardo Galeano, Essayist, journalist, historian, and activist - Uruguay | |
Harold Pinter, Author, Nobel Prize in Literature 2005 - UK | |
James Petras, Author - USA | |
Jan Myrdal, Author - Sweden | |
Michael Parenti, Author - USA | |
Peter Curman, Author - Sweden | |
Rosa Regŕs, Author - Spain | |
Santiago Alba Rico, Author, philosopher, member of www.rebelion.org, Spain – Tunisia | |
William Blum, Author, USA | |
Issam Chalabi, Former Iraqi Oil Minister, Iraq/Jordan | |
Dr. Omar Al Kubaisy, Senior iraqi cardiologist, anti occupation politician and activist on iraq health & medical situation | |
Dr. Saeed H. Hasan, Former Iraqi Permanent Representative to the United Nations - Iraq | |
Dr. Saadallah Al-Fathi, Former head of the Energy Studies Department at OPEC - Iraq | |
Salah Omar Al Ali, Ex iraqi minister/ex Iraq's ambassador to UN | |
Faruq Ziada, Former Iraqi Ambassador | |
Majid Al Samarai, Former Iraqi ambassador | |
Wajdi A. Mardan. Writer and Iraqi Diplomat | |
Naji Haraj, former Iraqi diplomat, human rights activist | |
Hassan T. Walli Aydinli, President of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights – Belgium-Iraq | |
Sabah Al-Mukhtar, President of the Arab Lawyers Association - Iraq / UK | |
Mohammed Younis Alobaidi, Oil Expert, Petroleum Consultancy Group (PCG) Board Member | |
Prof. Dr. Zuhair Al Sharook, Former President of Mosul University, Iraq | |
Dr. Abdul Razaq M. Al Dulaimi, Dean of college of communication in Baghdad before the invasion | |
Mohammed Aref, Science writer - Iraq / UK | |
Muhamad Tareq Al-Deraji, Director of Monitoring net of human rights in Iraq - President of CCERF - Fallujah | |
Dr. Mousa Al-Hussaini, Iraqi Writer | |
Buthaina al Nasiri, Author and activist, iraq-egypt | |
Dr. Souad Naji Al-Azzawi, Asst. Prof. Env. Eng. - University of Baghdad - Iraq | |
Mundher Al-Adhami, Research Fellow at Kings College London - Iraq / UK | |
Nermeen Al-Mufti, Former co-director of Occupation Watch - Journalist - Iraq | |
Salam Musafir, Iraqi author and journalist based in Russia | |
Wafaa' Al-Natheema, Independent journalist, activist, founder of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), filmmaker, author of "Untamed Nostalgia - Wild Poems," http://zennobia.blogspot.com | |
Hisham Bustani, Writer and Activist, Secretary - Socialist Thought Forum, Jordan | |
Nada Kassass, Activist, Egypt | |
Dr Sahera Al Abta, Academic,Doctor in biology,Faculty of Sience,Iraq/Amman | |
Sabah Al-Khozai, Academic & Politician | |
Dr. Mahmoud Khalid Almsafir, Ass. Prof. International Economics, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia | |
Ghali Hassan, Independent writer living in Syndey, Australia | |
Yasar Mohammed Salman Hasan, Computer science and business management - UK | |
Abdul Wahab Hamid Rashid, Iraq/Sweden | |
Asma Darwish Al-Haidari, Economist and Activist – Amman | |
Dr. Curtis F.J. Doebbler, International Human Rights Lawyer - USA | |
Karen Parker, Attorney, Association of Humanitarian Lawyers, partners of the BRussells Tribunal - USA | |
Niloufer Bhagwat, Vice President of Indian Lawyers Association - Mumbai / India | |
Amy Bartholomew, Law professor - Canada | |
Jennifer Van Bergen, Journalist, author writing about civil liberties, human rights and international law, law lecturer at the Anglo-American University in Prague | |
Ana Esther Ceceńa, Researcher/professor in geopolitics, National Autonomous University of México, Director of the Geopolitics Latinamerican Observatory – Mexico | |
Ángel Guerra Cabrera, Journalist and professor - Cuba | |
April Hurley, MD, Iraq Peace Team, Baghdad 2003 – California, USA | |
Azildin Bin Hussain Al Qutamil, Arab Avant Guard-blog - Tunis | |
Dr. Bert De Belder, Coordinator Intal & Medical Aid For The Third World - Belgium | |
Carlos Fazio, Journalist and academic - Mexico | |
Carlos Taibo, Professor of Political Sciences, Madrid Autonomous University - Spain | |
Carmen Bohorquez, Philosopher, Coordinator of the network of networks In Defense of Humanity – Venezuela | |
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar, President of JUST International - Malaysia | |
Claudio Moffa, Professor of History - Italy | |
Corinne Kumar, Secretary General of El Taller International - Tunesia / India | |
Dahr Jamail, Independent journalist, author: Beyond the Green Zone: Dispatches from an Unembedded Journalist in Occupied Iraq - USA | |
David Miller, Professor of Sociology at Strathclyde University, co-founder of Spinwatch - UK | |
Dirk Tuypens, Actor - Belgium | |
Elias Davidsson, Composer, international law scholar and activist for 9/11 truth – Germany | |
Eric Goeman, Coordinator ATTAC - Belgium | |
Fausto Giudice, Writer, translator, activist, member of Tlaxcala – Italy/France | |
Felicity Arbuthnot, Journalist - UK | |
Frank Vercruyssen, Actor, TG Stan - Belgium | |
Frantz Mendes, President United Steel Workers Local 8751 - USA | |
Dr. Gideon Polya, Scientist, author of Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950 - http://mwcnews.net/Gideon-Polya, Australia | |
Gie van den Berghe, Professor University of Ghent - Belgium | |
Gilad Atzmon, Musician, writer, pro-Palestinian activist – UK | |
Gilberto López y Rivas, Anthropologist - Mexico | |
Prof. Hedvig Ekerwald, Dept of Sociology, Uppsala University - Sweden | |
Prof. Em. Herman De Ley, Em. Prof. Ghent University, Ex-director of Centre for Islam in Europe - Belgium | |
Isaac Rosa, Writer - Spain | |
James E. Jennings, PH.D., President, Conscience International, Inc., a humanitarian aid and human rights organization working primarily in the Middle East; and Executive Director, US Academics for Peace, a group of university professors dedicated to dialogue among civilizations - USA | |
Jean Pestieau, Professor Emeritus, Catholic Univercity of Louvain (UCL), Belgium | |
Joachim Guilliard, Journalist, Anti-war movement - Germany | |
John Saxe-Fernández, Professor of political science, National Autonomous University - México | |
Jos Hennes, Publisher EPO - Edition House - Belgium | |
José Reinaldo Carvalho, Journalist, politologue, Relations Internationales, Cebrapaz - Centre Brésilien Pour la Solidarité avec les Peuples et la Lutte pour la Paix - Brazil | |
Kris Smet, Former Journalist - Belgium | |
Larry Holmes, Troops Out Now Coalition - USA | |
LeiLani Dowell, Fight Imperialism, Stand Together - USA | |
Prof. Dr. Lieven De Cauter, Philosopher, K.U. Leuven / Rits, initiator of the BRussells Tribunal - Belgium | |
Lolo Rico, Screenwriter - Spain | |
Ludo De Brabander, Vrede, Peace Organisation - Belgium | |
Luz Gómez García, Lecturer. Universidad Autonoma de Madrid - Spain | |
Manlio Dinucci, Journalist Il Manifesto - Italy | |
Marc Vandepitte, Philosopher - Belgium | |
Maria McGavigan, Institute for Marxist Studies, Brussels | |
Dr Mario Novelli, Lecturer in International Development, University of Amsterdam, Netherlands | |
Maruja Torres, Writer and journalist - Spain | |
Mary Rizzo, Writer, translator, pro-Palestinian activist, member of Tlaxcala - USA/Italy | |
Mathias Cederholm, Historian University of Lund, member in the Iraq Committe in Malmö, Sweden | |
Merry Fitzgerald, Europe-Turkmens of Iraq Friendships – Belgium http://www.turkmenfriendship.blogspot.com/ | |
Michel Chossudovsky, Economics professor and director, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) - Canada | |
Michel Collon, Author, journalist - Belgium | |
Miguel Álvarez Gándara, member of SERAPAZ, http://www.serapaz.org.mx/ - Mexico | |
Dr. Nayar López Castellanos, National Autonomous University of México – Mexico | |
Pascual Serrano, Journalist, member of www.rebelion.org - Spain | |
Paul Vanden Bavičre, Former journalist De Standaard, publicist and editor of webzine Uitpers - Belgium | |
Pedro Monzón, Professor, Coordinator of the Cuban Chapter In Defense of Humanity - Cuba | |
Dr. Pol De Vos, Public Health Researcher - Peace movement, Belgium | |
René Naba, Journalist, writer - France | |
Robin Eastman-Abaya, Physician and human rights activist - USA | |
Prof. Rudi Laermans, Sociologist, Catholic University of Leuven - Belgium | |
Sara Flounders, Co-director of the International Action Center | |
Sarah Meyer, Independent researcher living in Sussex - UK | |
Saul Landau, Scholar, author, commentator, and filmmaker on foreign and domestic policy issues, fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies – USA. | |
Sköld Peter Matthis, Ophthalmologist - Sweden | |
Stephan Galon, ABVV Trade-Union Secretary / Permanent Syndical Centrale Générale FGTB - Belgium | |
Stéphane Lathion, Swiss scholar (Fribourg University) - President of the GRIS (Research Group on Islam in Switzerland). | |
Stephen Eric Bronner, Professor of political science, Rutgers University - USA | |
Stevan Kirschbaum, Chair Grievance Committee United Steel Workers 8751 - USA | |
Steve Gillis, Vice President, United Steel Workers Local 8751 - USA | |
Teresa Gutierrez, May 1st Coalition for Immigrant and Worker Rights Co-Coordinator and Deputy Secretary General International Migrant Alliance (organizations for ID only) - USA | |
Dr. Thomas M. Fasy, MD PhD, Clinical Associate Professor, Mount Sinai School of Medicine – USA | |
Víctor Flores Olea, Writer and political scientist - Mexico
Ondertekenende organisaties
All India Anti-imperialist Forum - India | |
BRussells Tribunal - Belgium | |
CEOSI - Spain | |
Conscience International - USA | |
El Taller International - Tunesia | |
INTAL - Belgium | |
International Action Center - USA | |
International Anti-imperialist and People's Solidarity Coordinating Committee | |
The Iraq Solidarity Association in Stockholm (IrakSolidaritet) - Sweden | |
Medical Aid For The Third World - Belgium | |
Muslim Peacemaker Teams - Iraq | |
Palestine Think Tank (Free Minds for a Free Palestine) | |
Tlaxcala, The Translators' (Global) Network for Linguistic Diversity | |
US Academics for Peace - USA | |
World Courts of Women
Wij sporen de Internationale Vredesbeweging, Civiele Maatschappij en politici aan om hun voorbeeld te volgen
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Deklaracija iz Le Fejta – Mir u Iraku: opcija
Medjunarodna konstelacija protiv okupacije (IAON)
Mi, potpisnici, prijatelji Iraka iz Francuske, Belgije, Ujedinjene Kraljevine, Italije, Španije, Portugala, SAD, Egipta, Švedske i Iraka, okupljeni u Medjunarodnu konstelaciju protiv okupacije (International anti-occupation Network IAON) i okupljeni od 25. do 27. avgusta 2008. u Le Fejtu, u Francuskoj, usvojili su sledeći stav. Ova deklaracija svedoči o našem zajedničkom angažovanju u prilog okončanju okupacije i trajnog mira u Iraku.
Američka okupacija Iraka je nelegalna i ne može da bude proglašena legalnom. Sve što je proisteklo iz okupacije je ilegalno i nezakonito i ne može da bude smatrano legitimnim. Ove su činjenice neosporne. Kakve posledice mogu iz njih proisteći?
Mir, stabilnost i demokratija ne mogu se ostvariti pod okupacijom. Po svojoj prirodi je strana okupacija protivna interesima okupiranog naroda, što dokazuju šest miliona izbeglih unutar i izvan Iraka, planirana ubistva univerzitetskih i stručno obrazovanih Iračana, uništenje njihove kulture i preko milion ubijenih.
Zapadna propaganda nastoji da legitimiše besmisao po kome osvajač i razaralac Iraka može da igra ulogu zaštitnika Iraka. Praktični strah od „bezbedonosnog vakuuma“ – korišćen radi ustaljivanja okupacije – ne uzima u obzir činjenicu da iračka armija nikada nije kapitulirala i predstavlja okosnicu iračkog oružanog otpora. Cilj ovog otpora jeste odbrana iračkog naroda i iračkog suvereniteta. Samim tim predstave o gradjanskom ratu previdjaju činjenicu da irački narod velikom većinom odbacuje okupaciju i da će nastaviti da to čini.
U Iraku narod nastavlja da se, u skladu sa medjunarodnim pravom, odupire okupaciji svim sredstvima (1). Jedino narodni otpor može da bude priznat kao izraz iračkog naroda i kao odbrana njenih interesa. Sve dio sada Sjedinjene Država su slepe prema ovoj realnosti i smatraju da će „diplomatski napor“ nakon vojnog pritiska putem istinskog etničkog čišćenja dovesti do prihvatanja vlade koje nameću Iraku. Nezavisno od ishoda predstojećih predsedničkih izbora u SAD, Sjedinjene Države nikada neće moći da ostvare svoje imperijalne ciljeve, jer su snage koje ih nameću Iraku suprotne interesima iračkog naroda.
Na Zapadu još uvek ima ponekih koji nastavljaju da pravdaju osporavanje narodnog suvereniteta „ratom protiv terorizma“ kriminalizujući ne samo otpor nego i humanitarnu pomoć jednom opsednutom narodu. Prema medjunarodnom pravu, irački otpot predstavlja pokret za nacionalno oslobodjenje. Priznanje iračkog otpora je, dakle, pravo, a ne opcija (3). Medjunarodna zajednica ima pravo da povuče priznanje vladi u Iraku koju su nametnule SAD i da ga prizna irački otpor.
Jasno je da se u Iraku stabilnost, jedinstvo i teritorijalni integritet mogu trajno povratiti jedino ako suverenitet zemlje bude zajemčen. Jasno je takodje da će SAD morati da podnesu račun bez obzira što one pokušavaju da svoju odgovornost za okupaciju Iraka prebace na susede Iraka. Stoga je pakt o nenapadanju, o razvoju i saradnji izmedju oslobodjenog Iraka i njegovih suseda očevidno sredstvo za učvršćenje stabilnost zemlje. (4) S obzirom na svoj centralni geopolitički položaj i, imajući u vidu njegovo bogatstvo u sirovinama, oslobodjeni, miroljubivi i demokratski Irak je od suštinskog značaja za blagostanje i razvoj njegovih suseda. Svi prijatelji Iraka treba da priznaju da će stabilnost Iraka služiti njihovim sopstvenim interesima pa, stoga, treba da se obavežu da se neće uplitati u njegove unutrašnje poslove.
Ako su medjunarodna zajednica i SAD zainteresovane za mir, za stabilnost i za demokratiju u Iraku, onda one moraju da prihvate da se to jedino može postići putem iračkog otpora – oružanog, civilnog i političkog – uz očuvanje interesa iračkog naroda. Glavni je zahtev iračkog otpora bezuslovno povlačenje svih inostranih snaga – uključujući njihove privatne službe – koje nezakonito okupiraju Irak, kao i raspuštanje svih naoružanih formacija koje je uspostavila okupatorska vlast.
Irački pokret protiv okupacije – u svim svojim vidovima – putem odbrane iračkog naroda, jedina je snaga koja je sposobna da obezbedi demokratiju u Iraku. Unutar ovog pokreta postoji saglasnost da bi privremena vlada, koja bi bila uspostavljena nakon povlačenja američkih trupa imala dva zadatka: da pripremi teren za demokratske izbore i da obnovi nacionalnu armiju. Čim ovi zadaci budu izvršeni, privremena vlada biće raspuštena, a odluke koje se odnose na reparacije, na razvoj i na obnovu zemlje biće prenesene na suverenu i slobodno izabranu vladu države koja će pripadati svim njenim gradjanima i u kojoj neće biti diskriminacije ni na verskoj, ni na etničkoj, ni na polnoj osnovi.
Svi zakoni, ugovori i sporazumi potpisani za vreme okupacije su ništavni. Prema medjunarodnom pravu i volji iračkog naroda, potpuni suverenitet nad naftnim, prirodnim, kulturnim i materijalnim bogatstvima Iraka nalazi se u rukama iračkog naroda svih generacija, kako prošlih, tako sadašnjih i budućih. Čitav spektar pokreta protiv okupacije saglasan je da Irak treba da prodaje svoju naftu na medjunarodnom tržištu svim državama koje nisu u ratu s njim, a u saglasnosti da obavezama Iraka kao člana OPEK-a.
Američka invazija iz 2003. godine bila je i ostaje nezakonita, a pravo na odgovornost države zahteva od država da odbiju da priznaju posledice nelegalnog državnog delovanja (5). Odgovornost države podrazumeva takodje i obavezu ponovnog uspostavljanja prava. Svi državni i nedržavni činionci koji su profitirali od uništavanja i pljačke Iraka treba da za to plate odštetu.
Irački narod teži ka dugoročnom miru. Na osnovu zaključaka Svetskiog suda o Iraku u Istanbulu iz 2005. godine (6), a uz priznavanje patnji iračkog naroda izloženog agresiji, potpisnici ove deklaracije potvrdjuju gore navedena načela po pitanju mira, stabilnosti i demokratije u Iraku.
Suverenitet Iraka nalazi se u rukama njegovog naroda koji pruža otpor. Mir u Iraku je lako postići: putem bezuslovnog povlačenja SAD i priznanja iračkog otpora koji, po definiciji, predstavlja volju iračkog naroda.
Upućujemo poziv svim ljudima kojima je stalo do mira u svetu da rade kako bi podržali irački narod i njegov otpor. Od toga zavisi budućnost mira, demokratije i napretka u Iraku, u regionu i u svetu.
Članovi Medjunarodne mreže protiv okupacije (7)
Abdul Ilah Albayaty, član Izvršnog komiteta Briselskog tribunala, www.brusselstribunal.org, Francuska - Irak
Hana Al-Bayaty, Koordinator Medjunarodne inicijative Iračana o izbeglicama, www.3iii.org, Francuska – Egipat
Dirk Adriaensens, član Izvršnog komiteta Briselskog tribunala, www.brusselstribunal.org, Belgija
John Catalinotto, International Action Center [Medjunarodni akcioni centar], http://www.iacenter.org/ , SAD
Ian Douglas, koordinator Medjunarodne inicijative za pokretanje postupka protiv genocida SAD u Iraku, www.USgenocide.org, Ujedinjena Kraljevina – Egipat
Max Fuller, autor dela For Iraq,the Salvador Option Becomes Realty i Crying Wolf, death squads in Iraq – www.cryingwolf.deconstructingiraq.org.uk, Ujedinjena Kraljevina
Paola Manduca, naučnik, New Weapons Commitee [Komitet za nova oružja], www.newweapons.org, Italija
Sigyn Meder, član Udruženja za solidarnost sa Irakom u Stokholmu, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Švedska
Cristina Meneses, član portugalskog zasedanja Svetskog suda o Iraku, www.tribunaliraque.info/page/inicio.html, Portugal
Mike Powers, član Udruženja za solidarnost sa Irakom u Stokholmu, www.iraksolidaritet.se, Švedska
Manuel Raposo, portugalski član portugalskog zasedanja Svetskog suda o Iraku, www.tribunaliraque.info/page/inicio.html, Portugal
Manuel Talens, književnik, član Cubadebate, Rebelin i Tlaycala, Španija
Paloma Valverde, član Španske kampanje protiv okupacije i za suverenitet Iraka (CEOSI), www.nodo50.org/iraqsolidaridad.org, Španija
Le Feyt, Francuska, 27. Avgusta 2008
Beleške
1 – Pravo na samoopredeljenje, na nacionalnu nezavisnost, ne teritorijalni integritet, na nacionalno jedinstvo i na suverenitet bez spoljnog uplitanja potvrdjen je u više navrata od strane raznih organa Ujedinjenih nacija, konkretno Saveta bezbednosti, Generalne skupštine, Komisije za ljudska prava, Medjunarodne pravne komisije i Medjunarodnog suda Pravde. Načelo samoopredeljenja predvidja da u slučaju njihovog nasilnog ukidanja može biti primenjena sila kako bi se ona bila ponovo uspostavljena.
Komisija za prava čoveka potvrdila je na uobičajeni način zakonitost borbe protiv okupacije svim raspoloživim sredstvima uključujući oružanu borbu (CHR Resolution No. 3 XXXV, 21 February 1979 i CHR Resolution No.1989/19, 6 March 1989). Na iričit način Rezolucija 37/43, usvojena 3. Decembra 1982 od strane Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija „potvrdjuje legitimnost borbe naroda za nezavisnost, teritorijalni integritet, nacionalno jedinstvo i oslobodjenje od kolonijalne i inostrane dominacije kao i inostrane okupacije svim raspoloživim sredstvima, uključujuući oružanu borbu“. (Videti takodje Rezolucije Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija 1514, 3070, 3103, 3328, 3382, 3421, 3481, 31/91, 32/42 i 32/154).
2 – Član 1 (4) Prvog dodatnog protokola Ženevskim konvencijama od 1977 smatra borbu za samoopredeljenje kao stanje medjunarodnog oružanog sukoba. Ženevska deklaracija o terorizmu ističe da: „kao što je više puta priznato od strane Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija, narodi koji se bore protiv kolonijalne dominacije i strane okupacije kao i protiv rasističkih režima u vršenju prava da raspolažu sami sobom imaju pravo na korišćenje sile radi postizanja svojih ciljeva u okviru medjunarodnog humanitarnog prava. Ova dopuštena korišćenja sile ne smeju da budu pomešana sa delima medjunarodnog terorizma“.
3 – Pokreti za nacionalno oslobodjenje priznati su kao posledica prava na samoopredeljenje. U vršenju svog prava na samoopredeljenje, narod pod kolonijalnom i stranom dominacijom imaju pravo „da se bore…i da traže i da dobiju podršku, u skladu sa načelima Povelje“ i u skladu sa Dklaracijom o načelima medjunarodnog prava koji se odnose na prijateljske veze i na saradnju medju državama. Ovim rečima član 7 Definicije o agresiji (Rezolucija Generalne skupštine 3314 (XXIX) od 14 decembra 1974) priznaje legitimnost borbe naroda pod kolonijalnom i inostranom dominacijom. Ujedinjene nacije su, priznavanjem legitimnosti borbe naroda protiv kolonijalne i inostrane dominacije ili okupacije, na istoj liniji sa opštom zabranom primene sile iz Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija, prema kojoj kada jedna država potčinjava silom jedan narod kolonijalnoj ili inostranoj dominaciji čini nedopušteno delo na način koji je definisan medjunarodnim pravom, a narod koji je podvrgnut toj okupaciji može da se, u vršenju svog prirodnog prava i legitimne odbrane, bori i ostvaruje pravo da raspolaže sam sobom.
4 – Deklaracija o načelima medjunarodnog prava koje se odnosi na prijateljske veze i na saradnju izmedju država (rezolucija Generalne skupštine 2625 (XXV) navodi načelo da „države treba da se uzdrže pretnje ili primene sile protiv teritorijalnog integriteta ili političke nezavisnosti svake države, ili na svaki drugi način koji nije u skladu sa ciljevima Ujedinjenih nacija“. Individualno i kolektivno, Irak i njegovi susedi trebalo bi da se obavežu na uzdržavanje od primene sile ili pretnje njenog primenjivanja, da olakšavaju primenu sile ili pretnju pribegavanja sili od strane drugih učesnika i da se uzdrže od svakog vida uplitanja u poslove drugih država. Individualno i kolektivno, Irak i njegovi susedi trebalo bi takodje da se angažuju nasaradnju i na razvoj na osnovu pregovora, arbitraže i uzajamne prednosti.
5 – Član 41 (2) nacrta članova o odgovornosti država pred Komisijom za Medjunarodno pravo Ujedinjenih nacija Ujedinjenih nacija, koji predstavlja pravilo medjunarodnog običajnog prava (Rezolucija 56/83 od 28. Januara 2002 usvojene na generalnoj skupštini Ujedinjenih nacija: „Odgovornost država u nelegalnim delima“) onemogućuje državama da izvlače korist od sopstvenih nelegalnih dela: „Nijedna država ne treba da prizna dopuštenom stanje stvoreno ozbiljnom povredom [jerdne obaveze koja proističe iz jedne imoperativne norme opšteg medjunarodnog prava], poglavlje III (e), Rezolucija 36/103 od 14. Decembra 1962 Generalne skupštine Ujedinjenih nacija „Deklaracija o nedopustivom karakteru intervencije i uplitanja u unutrašnje poslove država“.
6 – Deklaracija Žirija, Svetski tribunal o Iraku, Istambul, 23-27. Juna 2005
7 – Medjunarodna mreža protiv okupacije je koalicija grupa solidarnih sa iračkim narodom, za suverenitet Iraka i protiv američke okupacije Iraka. Ova Mreža obrazovana je u aprilu 2006 prilikom medjunarodnog seminara o ubistvu iračkih saradnika univerziteta i zdravstvenih stručnjaka. Rezolucija o tome može da se čita ovde.
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